|
The physiographic Southwest houses cultural traits that give it a
unique regional identity. Several very distinctive and conspicuous
ethnological features dominate the region. Evidence of prehistoric
Amerindians,
in particular the "sedentary" people who established "permanent"
homes and who enjoyed a high level of prehistoric social organization
and food-obtaining technology, are unique to this area. These people
developed advanced architectural styles as well as highly refined
craftsmanship in pottery, fabrics, basketry, and jewelry. No place else
within
the United States contains such impressive remnants of prehistoric
culture.
In the Southwest can be found the United States' largest number of
contemporary Native Americans. Many of these people still live on
"reservations" in their traditional pueblos, hogans and wickiups.
Moreover,
a certain set of well-documented nineteenth- and twentieth-century
American Indian linguistic patterns are unique to the region, too. In
other words, the physiographic Southwest features a distinct, substantial,
and highly visible American Indian population, both prehistoric
and contemporary.
No other region within the United States possesses such an old and
conspicuous vestige of sixteenth- to nineteenth-century Spanish empire
influence than does the Southwest. Dating back to 1539, the impact of
Hispanic occupation can be seen throughout the region, particularly in
the upper Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico. As part of the area's cultural
landscape, a growing Hispano-Mexican population and social presence
continues to become increasingly potent and visible.
Prehistoric Indiqenes
Culturally speaking, in many ways the Southwest has been a
contradiction. Although the region possesses physical traits which appear
inhospitable, even repulsive, to hominid habitation and subsistence, it
contains some of the oldest records of human occupation on this planet.
Relics of material culture hint that humans may have existed within the
physiographic and climatic Southwest for more than twenty-five thousand
years. For most of this period, these people lived in caves and hunted
animals, many species of which no longer exist. Over ten thousand years
ago there were already distinct groups of people in the Southwest,
some
of whom were primarily hunters and others of whom were largely dependent
on wild plants for food. Displaying sparse but convincing evidence,
archaeologists have identified several very old sites of human
habitation within the Southwest. Archaeologists refer to these particular
groups of people, who lived in this region prior to about two thousand
years ago, as 'Ancient Cultures" or the "Archaic Period" (see map 13).
Several of the more celebrated of these cultural sites, such as the
renowned Folsom and Clovis cultures, both in New Mexico, lie on the
periphery of the physiographic Southwest. These sites give substance to
the argument that humans lived in the Southwest more than fourteen
thousand years ago. Other ancient cultures associated with such places
as the Gypsum Cave, Tabeguache Cave, Sandia Cave, and Cochise sites,
are located clearly within the physiographic region. Ethnologists believe
that the Cochise culture, made up of people living in what is now
southeastern Arizona and southwestern New Mexico, began more than ten
thousand years ago and lasted until 500 B.C. or later.
During the past two thousand years prehistoric societies developed
within the Southwest that ethnologists understand more substantially
and more accurately than they understand the Ancient Cultures.
Moreover, much of this more recent cultural development, archaeologists
have determined, was surprisingly well organized and quite advanced.
Many of the prehistoric Indians who left evidence of having
occupied the region during the past two thousand years lived in durable
masonry villages called "pueblos," from the Spanish word for "town" or
"village." For archaeological research focusing on this time period, the
Southwest has become one of the most intensively excavated parts of
the New World.
As early as 1845, several other explorers and travelers reported
seeing
what appeared to be abandoned Indian pueblos. In 1849, U.S. Army
Lt. James Simpson became the first Anglo to express a strong curiosity
about prehistoric ruins in the Southwest when he visited Chaco Canyon
in New Mexico. The nineteenth century French-American guide and
trapper Antoine Leroux recorded seeing what appeared to be prehistoric
Indian ruins in central Arizona when he came through the region in
May 1854. Leroux has been credited with being the first white man to
identify and report such antiquities. Later, more professionally trained
and committed scholars such as Adolph Bandelier, the "Father of
Southwestern Archaeology" (1881), Jesse Walter Fewkes (1891), and
Frederick
Webb Hodge (1893) undertook scientific studies of Southwestern
pueblo sites and published their findings in scholarly journals. This
group of scholars was succeeded by still another era of archaeologists:
Alfred V Kidder (1910), Earl H. Morris (1925), Charles A. Amsden
(1927), and Emil W. Haury (1931 +). These people and many others
like them formed a close family of researchers which eventually developed
a classification or taxonomy of prehistoric "traditions":
1. The Anasazi Tradition: This group of prehistoric Indians lived in
the high plateau country of the San Juan, Little Colorado, and upper
Rio Grande valleys. Relying primarily upon the dry-farming of corn,
they also used natural runoff from springs and the heads of streams to
water other crops. They quite possibly first inhabited this general region
about the time of Christ and have continued down to the present day.
Most ethnologists believe that the modern Southwest Pueblo Indians
descended from the Anasazi. The Anasazi far surpassed the other Indians
of the Southwest in their design of architectural forms.
2. The Hohokam Tradition: Located along the lower Gila River valley
in south-central Arizona, the Hohokam (from a Pima Indian word
for "those who have vanished"), who cultivated corn and beans, are best
known for their skillfully engineered canals and ditches. They used the
waters of the Salt and Gila rivers to irrigate their crops. Possibly
descendants of the Cochise culture, they came to Arizona sometime prior to
A.D. 600. Ethnologists think it is possible that the Hohokam may have
been the ancestors of the modem-day Pima and Tohono O'odham
(Papago) peoples.
3. The Mogollon Tradition: Though not so advanced as either the
Anasazi or the Hohokam traditions, the Mogollon culture deserves
recognition because it appears to be the Southwest prehistoric group which
offers the earliest evidence of intensive horticulture, a durable material
culture, and a settled mode of life. These people occupied the Upper Gila
River and Mimbres Valley areas from about 300 B.C. to A.D. 1100. They,
too, may have descended from the Cochise Culture, and, like the Anasazi,
they relied upon the natural runoff of water from the area's mountain
streams to grow their crops.
4. The Sinagua Tradition: This culture arose in the lower part of the
Little Colorado Valley, near the San Francisco Mountains area. It included
Indians who developed riverine pueblos in central Arizona's
Verde Valley, the northernmost outpost of the Hohokam and the
southwesternmost extension of the Anasazi. The origin of these people is
unclear,
as is the explanation for their departure. The dates of the Sinagua
people range from A.D. 400 to 1400. A blend of Hohokam irrigation
methods and Anasazi Pueblo architecture characterized the Verde Valley
culture. For reasons not yet explained, the Anasazi and Sinagua Pueblo
peoples made an abrupt departure around A.D. 1425.
5. The Patayan Tradition: Also known as the "Yuman" culture, these
people lived in the Colorado River Valley below the Grand Canyon. The
few found artifacts indicate that this group may have endured as long as
fifteen hundred years. Little of this society remains. Patayan is the only
Southwest sedentary culture which lacked permanent houses, for these
people lived in brush huts which have not survived the ravages of time
and the overflow of the Colorado River. This group probably was ancestral
to the modem Yuman-speaking tribes of the lower Colorado River
and lower Gila River valleys.
Except for the top half of the "Northern Peripheral" group and a slice
of the "Eastern Peripheral" group, all of these prehistoric peoples lived
within the area designated in this essay as the "physiographic Southwest."
The expression "peripheral" speaks for itself.
Contemporary Native Americans
No place else within the United States contains such impressive
remnants
of prehistoric culture as does the Southwest. The nation's largest
number of contemporary Native Americans can be found in the physiographic
Southwest, too. Their concentration is more intense and they
have experienced a lesser amount of assimilation and acculturation into
the Anglo society than have their ethnic counterparts in other regions of
the country. Edward H. Spicer, in his regional classic Cycles of
Conquest,
articulated the impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the
Indians of the Southwest between 1533 and 1960. He found that in this
region "there were many different trends and counter-trends with respect
to the acceptance and rejection of what the conquerors offered as
a new and superior way of life."
Spicer discovered that "where the land and other resources were
regarded as undesirable by the invaders or where, through a variety of
circumstances ranging from exceptional tribal cohesion to unusual natural
barriers, the natives were able to resist successfully, the processes of
extermination and cultural absorption did not take place." By forming
and protecting cultural islands in the midst of the European societies
expanding around them, these Indian groups, with some mutations and
adaptations, extended the survival of their original culture. This
condition
may also be attributed to the fact that toward the end of the "frontier"
period, United States Indian policy became more protective of
Southwestern Indians. Moreover, territorial size and distances from
Anglo-American influences played a role in this enclave phenomenon.
By far the greatest number of square miles in the United States set aside
for Native American reservations can be found in the Southwest.
Southwestern maps clearly show a clustering within the physiographic
Southwest of tribes with similar forms of subsistence methods
and common linguistic traditions. The integrity of these patterns
corresponds closely to the Southwest's physiographic and climatic borders.
Nowhere else in the United States do Indian tribes maintain their ethnic
identity and membership so strongly as do those within the boundaries
of the physiographic and climatic Southwest. Starting in the northwestem
corner of Arizona and the southwestern corner of Utah, in a
counterclockwise direction, live the Southern Paiute, the Havasupai, the
Hualapai, the Mohave and the Chemehuevi tribes. Yuma Indians can
still be found near the Arizona town which is their namesake, on both
sides of the Colorado River. To the east of the Yumas live the Tohono
O'odham. In central Arizona, the Yavapai make up a small tribe that lives
in scattered settlements along the Verde River. Actually, the Yavapai have
intermixed with Tonto and other peoples from the Western Apache
group. South of these and north of the Tohono O'odham are the
Maricopa and Pima tribes. The Tohono O'odham also live in northern
Sonora, Mexico, while in the central part of Sonora can be found the
Seri, Opata, and Jova tribes. Further south in Sonora are the Yaqui,
Lower Pima, and Mayo. In west-central Chihuahua, the Tarahumara
tribe is widely spread. Like the pueblos, most of these Indian societies
derive their livelihood primarily from intensive agriculture supplemented
by chickens, sheep, and other domesticated animals, as well as
wild game and edible natural vegetation.
Except for the Southwest's various pueblo groups, almost all of the
remaining Indians of the region are made of up of some branch of the
Apache peoples: in east-central Arizona the San Carlos and White
Mountain Apaches, in southeast Arizona and southwest New Mexico
the Chiricahua Apaches, and in southwest-central New Mexico and the
horn of west Texas isolated communities of Mescalero Apaches. In extreme
north-central New Mexico lives a small tribe of Jicarilla Apaches.
The Navajo-North America's largest and most concentrated group of
Native Americans-are cousins of the Apaches. Their reservation, primarily
located in Arizona, spreads also into parts of New Mexico, Colorado and
Utah. Several contemporary pueblo tribes occupy sites in New
Mexico's northern Rio Grande Valley. Their remarkable and unique retention
of relative indigenous purity, both cultural and genetic, sets this
cluster of Southwest Indian tribes apart from other ethnic groups,
including Native Americans located elsewhere in North America.
Ethnologists believe that in pre-Columbian times at least two thousand
distinct Indian languages existed in the Western Hemisphere, accounting
for about one-third of the languages of the world. By employing
sophisticated techniques to determine how much a language has
changed through time, linguists have also been able to demonstrate
genetic connections between Indian groups previously thought to be
separate. Such study continues to reveal many explanations about the
prehistoric migration patterns and cultural evolution of the Southwest
Indian peoples. Parts of the largest single language group in
pre-Columbian North America, the Uto-Aztecan language family, stiff can be
found
extending in a long irregular tract from southern Idaho to central
Mexico, and on to Panama in scattered pockets. The Uto-Aztecan languages
are thought to have had a single parent tongue about five
thousand years ago and to have spread from a central homeland in south-
eastern California and western Arizona. The language spread eastward
and to the south, probably within the last two thousand years. It reached
Texas about A.D. 1700 and the Valley of Mexico not long after A.D. 1200.
Uto-Aztecan speakers display the greatest cultural divergence of any
language in the southwest quadrant. The Uto-Aztecan also dominates the
physiographic Southwest's language pattern. The Hopi, Pima, Tohono
O'odham, Yaqui, Tarahumara, Southern Paiute, Ute, and Chemehuevi,
as well as lesser languages, belong to this family.
A Southwestern island of seven languages belonging to the Athapascan
linguistic family ties within the broader Uto-Aztecan group. Studies
demonstrate that the several Athapascan dialects within the Southwest
all belong to various Apache tribes. This group makes up the latest
language incursion; the Athapascans penetrated the Uto-Aztecan societies
about four hundred years ago. Within the more recently claimed Athapascan
territory lies an even smaller island collection of dialects which
make up another subgroup of the Aztec-Tanoan family. These include
the Tiwa, Tewa, Towa, and Kiowa languages. Several somewhat anomalous and
as yet ancestrally unexplained language enclaves called "isolates" are
found in the physiographic Southwest, too. The Zuñi Language
Isolate appears to belong to the Penutian Phylum, while the Keres
Language Isolate and the Tarascan Language Isolate have as yet
undetermined phylum affiliations. The Seri Language Isolate shows a link
with
the Hokan Phylum.
Clearly there are linguistic patterns and concentrations that can be
labeled "Southwest." This physiographic region features a distinctive,
substantial, and highly visible American Indian population, both prehis-
toric and contemporary.
The Historic Southwest
The history of the Southwest, that is to say, the documented record
of the explorers and settlers of this region, began with the Spaniards in
Mexico during the second quarter of the sixteenth century. For years the
gold-hungry Spaniards had talked about the legend of "El Dorado" and
the "Seven Cities of Gold." In 1538 a Spanish explorer, Cabeza de Vaca,
and three companions including a black Moorish slave, Estevinico de
Dorantes, stumbled into northern Mexico. They told a bizarre story.
They claimed that after being shipwrecked, they wandered for four years
through the North American areas where Texas and possibly southern
New Mexico are today. While they did not claim personally to have seen
cities of gold and "people who wore cotton," the stories they had heard
about such things during their wanderings fired the curiosity and
fantasies and ambitions of Spanish authorities clear up to the level of
the
Viceroy of New Spain, Don Antonio de Mendoza. To head an expedition
northward into the "Tierra Nueva Norte" to investigate Cabeza de
Vaca's report, Mendoza chose a Franciscan priest, Fray Marcos de Niza.
This entrada was less than totally successful.
According to his relación sent to the viceroy, Fr.
Marcos, together
with Estevánico, left the New Spain province of Culiacám on
Friday,
March 19, 1539, with the goal in mind of, to use Herbert E. Bolton's
words, "piercing the northern Mystery." After several days, Fr. Marcos
sent Estevánico ahead of the main party with some Indians to
reconnoiter the country and to send back periodic reports. Fr. Marcos
never saw
his companion again. Four days later, the first of Estevánico's
messengers
sent back to the friar arrived to say that ahead of De Niza lay a province
of seven very great cities, and the first city was named Cíbola.
The advance party's subsequent messages continued to heighten the friar's
expectations. On a day in late May-Fr. Marcos is imprecise about the
date-a grieved and exhausted Indian who had been with Esteánico
met the priest and told him that the people of Cíbola had killed
the
black man. Ignoring an angry warning from the lord of Cíbola to
turn
back, Estevánico had defied the chief and strode into his doom.
Some
stories say he had been impolitic and boorish. After reflecting upon his
guides fate, Fr. Marcos decided to risk a look. Most historians agree that
the village he glimpsed from a distance was Hawikuh, at that time the
southwestermnost pueblo of Zuñi.
After the fiasco at Hawikuh, Fray Marcos hastened back to Mexico to
make his report to Mendoza. This report led to Don Francisco
Vásquez
de Coronado's entrada in 1540. Coronado's two-year excursion, which
included visits to new lands but also much misery and no gold, left the
Spanish less than enthusiastic about further expeditions to the north.
However, forty years later, an expedition up the Río del Norte (Rio
Grande), a more direct route to northern New Mexico, led by Fray
Agustín Rodriguez and Captain Francisco Chamuscado rekindled
Spanish curiosity.
In 1582-83, a Spanish rancher from southern Chihuahua, Antonio
de Espejo, brought another expedition northward along the Río del
Norte. Hearing of great mines to the west, Espejo went to Zuni and
then to the Hopi villages. Friendly Hopis led him westward to the mines
where Jerome, Arizona, is today. Finding only copper and other nonprecious
metal ores, Espejo hastened back to the Rio Grande and home to
Mexico. Despite the consistent failure to find rare metals, rumors
stemming from these explorations fueled and intensified the belief that
gold
and other riches existed to the north of Mexico. Together with the
prospects for converting the native Indian population to Catholicism, the
lust for mineral wealth continued to provoke forays into this region.
As a consequence of the avaricious appetite but consistently futile
quest for riches (a testimony to the human capability for maintaining
hope despite persistent disappointment) and a messianic compulsion to
recruit Indians for Christianity, Spaniards during the next two hundred
and eighty years made numerous entradas into the Southwest. Despite
some frustration in failing to proselytize Indians and discover quick
wealth, the Spanish did successfully establish missions for the Indians.
They also founded a few small and isolated communities that have
persisted-a few have grown, many are moribund, some are abandoned-
down to the present time. The development of the Santa Barbara and
Parral mining districts in the Valle de San Bartolomé, Chihuahua,
created
important and permanent bases for the explorations northward and must
be considered as part of the cultural Southwest. The same could be said
for the capitals of Sonora-San Juan Bautista, Arizpe, and later, Ures-
places that were also part of the history of Arizona.
In the late sixteenth century, popular pressure and curiosity
influenced the Spanish civil authorities to consider colonization of New
Mexico. Following several unauthorized, even illegal, Spanish colonizing
efforts, in 1595 the viceroy licensed Don Juan de Oñate to
establish
Spanish colonies in New Mexico and designated him the first governor
of Northern New Spain. Moving into the upper Rio Grande Valley,
Oñate founded a colonial settlement and then proceeded to explore
the
region for mineral wealth and other resources. He or his representatives
traveled east to the Great Plains and west to the Gulf of California.
Under
Oñate's protection, Franciscan priests founded a number of
missions.
During the seventeenth century, efforts to build up the settlement of
the northern Rio Grande Valley continued. By 1680 more than twenty-five
missions had been established in the province of New Mexico. That
year, however, the Pueblo Indians staged a revolt and drove the Hispanics
south down the Rio Grande back to El Paso. Led by Don Diego
de Vargas, the Spaniards successfully reoccupied the upper Rio Grande
Valley in 1692 and then commenced to extend their colonization outward.
During this period, led by such people as Fr. Eusebio Francisco
Kino, Hispanics settled in what is today northern Sonora and southern
Arizona, especially that part of Arizona included later in the Gadsden
Purchase of 1853.
Over the past sixty to seventy years certain historians of the
Southwest have come to call this region the "Spanish Borderlands." The
origin
of this term has been attributed to Herbert Bolton, but a generation
earlier, historian Hubert Howe Bancroft laid the foundation for this
perspective. Scholars influenced by Bolton, however, have magnified the
significance of this point of view greatly, probably beyond Bolton's
expectations, as an interpretive school of American history. This school
argues that Spanish entradas and settlement greatly influenced the
Southwestern United States. Moreover, borderlands scholars contend,
the Spanish brought culture and enlightenment to the region and improved
the quality of life which the indigenous peoples had known prior
to the time of the Spanish invasion. These historians tell us that even
though the conquistadores murdered, tortured, and enslaved the Indians,
robbed them of their self-determination and traditions, forced
Catholicism upon them, and brutally punished those who were recalcitrant,
the indigenes benefitted greatly from this experience.
Early in the eighteenth century, Franciscan priests and lay colonists
founded missions and presidios in southern Texas, and during the last
quarter of the century did the same in California. This Catholic order
established a number of missions and presidios close to the Pacific coast
extending from San Diego as far north as San Francisco. After the
successful revolution against Spain which ended with Mexico's independence
in 1821, the new government issued orders to the Catholic church
to secularize its activities. This meant that the missions had to be
closed
by 1834. The relationship between the colonial Hispanics of Northern
New Spain and the Spanish and Mexican religious and political authorities
had always been distant and tenuous. These relationships declined further,
and, in many cases by 1840, had already disappeared. The
Hispanic presence in California declined dramatically during the second
half of the nineteenth century. In New Mexico, between 1800 and 1850,
the small, scattered, and isolated Spanish colonial pockets became self-
governing enclaves with little direct contact with either Spain or Mexico.
At times these communities were guided and governed only by local
chapters of a religious and somewhat secret fraternal organization, the
Penitente Brotherhood. This tradition of local sovereignty changed
drastically after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, when the United
States quickly occupied and began to dominate completely the Southwest's
Spanish-descended residents.
Prior to 1848, due to overpopulation, many northern New Mexico
Hispanics made several unsuccessful efforts to settle in southern
Colorado. But starting in 1851, northern New Mexico Hispanics migrated to
the San Luis Valley of southern Colorado to establish permanent
communities, and then began to spread eastward through La Veta and Raton
passes to Trinidad and on through the Cucharas and Huerfano river
basins to Pueblo, Colorado. Up until 1900, small numbers of Mexican
and New Mexican Hispanics continued to migrate to other parts of the
Southwest and West. Hispanic influence in Arizona, as it is popularly
understood, has been greatly exaggerated. Most of the Spanish occupation
of this state prior to the twentieth century was tentative at best and
remained confined to a very few intermittently occupied missions and
presidios in the Santa Cruz Valley in Arizona's extreme south-central
area. Farther north, the Hopi effectively shut out the Spanish after the
year 1700, and almost all of central and northern Arizona remained
tierra incógnita y despoblado for all non-Indians up until
the last third of
the nineteenth century, when Anglo miners, most of them Protestants,
settled in the territory's middle regions.
In fact, few enduring remnants of Hispanic occupation existed in
Arizona after 1859. Federal census figures for 1860, 1864, and 1870
show many Hispanic names in the region, but a large portion of these
people were Papago, Pima, Maricopa, and Apache Indians. Immigrants
from New Mexico and Mexico who came to work for the Yankees constituted
most of the rest. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century
Anglo soldiers and miners in several Arizona mining towns and army
camps found Mexican women for partners, as spouses and otherwise,
and mining companies in Morenci, Arizona, imported mestizo workers
from Sonora and Chihuahua. But these demographics show no cultural
continuity of Hispanic influence in Arizona.
Regarding the Hispanic influence in Southern California, Carey
McWilliams wrote in 1946, "Aside from a few items which had been
incorporated into the dominant cultural pattern, the Spanish influence
appeared to have been completely obliterated. Certainly the dominant
Anglo-American cultural pattern had not been modified except in a few
minor respects." On this subject, McWilliams quoted California-born
(1855) Harvard philosopher Josiah Royce:
No one who has grown up in California can be under an illusion
as to the small extent to which the American character, as here
exemplified, has been really altered by foreign intercourse, large as
the foreign population has always remained. The foreign influence
has never been for the American community at large, in California,
more than skin-deep.... You cannot call a community of Ameri-
cans foreign in disposition merely because its amusements have a
foreign look. |
More broadly interpreted, Royce is telling us a painful truth:
substantive, significant, and conspicuous evidence of Hispanic impact on
the
Southwest is only incidental. Yet the scarce vestigial traces of the
Spanish
occupation of California fit a romantic image more than did anything in
New Mexico.
The Hispanic legacy found perpetuation in oblique ways, too. In their
role as culture brokers, the Southwest's Anglo-American imagemakers
in several ways used variations on the Hispanic model in shaping both
Anglo cliches and Indian ones. In addition to creating an Hispanic
tradition as it suited Charles Lummis and Helen Hunt Jackson, the
Southwest
imagemakers found in the Spanish hacienda and vaquero models
for the ranch and cowboy romance. In the meantime, Anglo traders
used Hispanic craftsmen to teach the Southwest Indians how to shape
silver jewelry and to spin, dye, and weave woolen rugs and blankets.
As Richard Nostrand has written, "Not until the twentieth century
did Hispanic numbers [in the Southwest] soar." But this was a different
migration. Between 1900 and 1959, more than one million Mexican
nationals immigrated to the United States. Some Spanish-borderlands
scholars seem to ignore the relatively recent arrival of most Spanish-
surnamed people, and use the human geography of this larger and more
recent Hispanic population to buttress their argument that Spain and
Mexico have had a powerful influence upon this region.
Current demographic statistics do not provoke any great revision in
determining that area which we can call the "Hispanic Southwest."
Place names in southern Texas and California suggest a rich and enduring
Hispanic heritage in those two states. But following the Treaty of
Guadalupe Hidalgo, hordes of white Americans rushed into these Hispanic
areas of Texas, and, even though white Americans totally dominated
these parts of Texas, they continued to use many existing Spanish
place names. Most of California's Spanish place names were designated
by Anglo real estate developers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries in an attempt to capitalize commercially on the state's romance
that visitors and newcomers to the region found so "quaint" and
attractive. A meaningful cultural presence of Hispanic traditions cannot
be
derived merely from Spanish place names. And other qualifications-
primarily physiographic, climatic, and prehistoric-preclude Texas and
California from being placed within "the Southwest."
|